

When Lal Bahadur Shastri resigned as Railway Minister following the tragic Ariyalur train disaster in November 1956, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru made it clear in the Parliament that Shastri’s resignation was accepted not because he was personally culpable, but to establish a benchmark of moral authority and constitutional propriety for those in high office.
Fast forward to July 2026, and the political landscape presents a stark contrast. When the Union Education Minister recently stepped down following widespread paper leak controversies, the exit was marked not by solemn accountability, but by a self-congratulatory resignation letter highlighting personal achievements. The minister was subsequently felicitated by party MPs and given a hero’s welcome upon returning to his home state of Odisha.
This shift in political ethics extends to public protests as well. The 50-day agitation at Jantar Mantar organized by student groups against paper leaks was swiftly wrapped up after vague commitments to introduce a anti-paper leak framework. Unlike the historic Farmers’ Agitation or the CAA-NRC protests, where prominent activists remain incarcerated without trial, this demonstration was diffused through quick legislative promises designed primarily to halt public unrest rather than enact systemic reform.
Having reflected on its narrower victory in the 2024 General Elections, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has engaged in aggressive political engineering to consolidate power. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) has systematically expanded its Lok Sabha strength from 293 seats up to 318 seats by engineering defections, drawing away over 25 opposition MPs through a combination of political leverage, financial inducements, and the feared enforcement of central agencies like the Enforcement Directorate (ED). A parallel realignment has unfolded in the Rajya Sabha, where the BJP has built its tally to 113 seats.
If this trajectory continues, the ruling coalition aims to secure a two-thirds supermajority in both Houses. Achieving these numbers would allow the government to pass major constitutional amendments and overhaul the electoral framework.
The mechanics of this consolidation become clear when examining the constitutional arithmetic required for major structural changes:
During a special parliamentary session in April 2026, the government introduced the Constitution (131st Amendment) Bill. The bill sought to decouple the long-pending delimitation process from a post-2026 census, while simultaneously linking it to the immediate execution of the 33% Women’s Reservation Act (originally passed via the 106th Amendment in 2023).
The government argued that the Lok Sabha’s seat count of 543 frozen in the 1970s based on a population of ~70 crore has left individual MPs representing over 30 lakh citizens, far above the ideal ratio of 10 lakh per representative. Expanding the Lok Sabha to roughly 850 seats was presented as the only practical way to implement women’s reservation without shrinking the pool of general seats for existing representatives.
However, when put to a vote in April 2026, the amendment secured only 298 votes—well short of the required 352-to-360 vote threshold—resulting in a defeat for the government. The opposition argued that women’s reservation could easily be implemented within the existing 543-seat structure, accusing the ruling party of using women’s empowerment as a cover to fast-track a re-delimitation exercise designed to cement its electoral dominance.
To overcome its legislative defeat in April, the ruling party launched an aggressive push referred to in political circles as “Operation 360”. By exploiting specific exemptions within the Tenth Schedule (Anti-Defection Law)—which permits a split or merger if two-thirds of a party’s legislative unit rebels—the ruling alliance has engineered targeted defections:
The long-term goal of securing a 360-seat supermajority lies in altering India’s federal structure through post-delimitation reapportionment.
In 1976, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi froze parliamentary seats based on the 1971 Census to prevent punishing southern states that successfully implemented national family planning programs. In 2001, Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee extended this freeze through the 84th Constitutional Amendment until the first census taken after 2026, preserving the regional balance between North and South.
Under a population-proportionate delimitation model, the northern Hindi-belt states would see their representation rise from 207 to 311 seats, with Uttar Pradesh and Bihar alone surpassing 200 seats. Conversely, southern states would see their proportional influence sharply decline.
If this reapportionment occurs, a political party could secure an absolute majority in Parliament by winning exclusively in the northern belt along with Gujarat and Maharashtra, rendering southern electoral outcomes largely irrelevant to national government formation.
Securing a supermajority through “Operation 360” would clear the path for three far-reaching structural reform bills:
The systematic pressure on regional parties evidenced by recent coalition movements in Maharashtra, alongside investigative actions targeting opposition figures in Jharkhand and Uttar Pradesh—points toward an increasingly centralizing political framework.
Regional parties have historically served as crucial mechanisms for representing localized ethnic, linguistic, and socio-economic interests. If these parties are neutralized through structural engineering and forced realignments, democratic accountability risks being replaced by unchecked executive power.
While the ruling party portrays these constitutional adjustments as necessary modernizations, the methods employed to build these parliamentary supermajority present serious questions regarding constitutional morality, federalism, and the future of democratic representation in India.
The time for passive observation has passed. “Operation 360” is not merely a strategy for electoral supremacy; it is a fundamental threat to the delicate balance of our federal republic, the sanctity of our vote, and the very spirit of Indian democracy. If we allow public accountability to be replaced by political manoeuvring and structural engineering, we surrender our power to shape the nation’s future.
Democracy survives only when its citizens remain vigilant, informed, and vocal. We must look beyond partisan rhetoric, hold our elected representatives accountable to high ethical standards, and demand total transparency from institutions. Educate your community, question the narrative, and stand firmly in defence of constitutional integrity. Share this article, spark the conversation today, and let your voice safeguard the democratic foundation of our nation.
[The writer, Mohd Ziyauallah Khan, is a freelance content writer & editor based in Nagpur. He is also an activist and social entrepreneur, cofounder of the group TruthScape, a team of digital activists fighting disinformation on social media.]
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