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              The consolation which the Bharatiya 
              Janata Party (BJP) is trying to derive from the fact that the 
              Congress is in a minority in the Lok Sabha on the issue of FDI in 
              the retail sector, although the ruling United Progressive Alliance 
              (UPA) won by 253 votes to 218, is only a solace for the mind with 
              little political consequence. The scope for mental relief has been 
              further diminished by the UPA's victory in the Rajya Sabha.
 It isn't only that numbers matter in a democracy but also the 
              winning combination, especially where no single party has an 
              absolute majority. The Congress trumped the BJP on both counts 
              since the latter could not muster enough votes to carry its motion 
              on FDI, and also because the BJP's failure was due to the 
              unwillingness of those, viz., the Samajwadi Party (SP) and the 
              Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), to stand by it although their 
              opposition to FDI echoed the BJP's position.
 
 Yet the SP and the BSP calculated that staying away from the BJP 
              was politically more profitable than allowing Wal-Mart and other 
              international retail giants to enter the Indian market to the 
              supposed disadvantage of the Indian shopowners. The SP's and the 
              BSP's reasoning was that proximity to the "communal" BJP would 
              alienate their minority vote banks, comprising both Muslims and 
              Christians, whose numbers are estimated to be larger than that of 
              the disaffected shopowners.
 
 Only the Left did not think that its base among the minorities 
              will be affected by its closeness to the BJP. In the case of the 
              communists, it is evident that their ideological antipathy towards 
              FDI in retail, which they see as the front paw of neo-imperialism, 
              is stronger than their desire to hold on to minority support.
 
 In addition, the Left's anti-Congress animus is fuelled not only 
              by politics but also by the belief that the Congress is playing 
              the neo-imperialists' game. The comrades are seemingly not 
              bothered by the fact that by lining up with the BJP, they are 
              bolstering the "communal" elements. For them, the Congress is the 
              bigger enemy, and the enemy of the enemy, the BJP, is, therefore, 
              a friend.
 
 A similar mindset persuaded two other "secular" regional parties, 
              the AIADMK and the Trinamool Congress, to vote against the FDI 
              along with the BJP although they camouflaged their action by 
              saying that the government was anti-poor. While the AIADMK's 
              stance is explained by the fact that the Congress is in alliance 
              with the DMK in Tamil Nadu, where the two Dravida Kazhagams are 
              mortal enemies, the Trinamool Congress has no option but to adopt 
              a stridently pro-poor position to outflank the commissars in West 
              Bengal where it has recently defeated them after a 
              three-decade-long battle.
 
 The perception of the economic reforms being against the poor is a 
              legacy of the 1947-1991 period of a controlled economy when 
              socialistic views prevailed. Among the Congress's supporters, the 
              SP and the BSP are still guided by these beliefs. However, what 
              the voting trends emphasised was the kind of political imperatives 
              which motivated the various parties. Therefore, the point to note 
              is whether the Congress will be able to retain its allies. As of 
              now, the possibility is high - and can become more durable if 
              Narendra Modi's success in Gujarat in the assembly elections 
              strengthens the BJP's communal image.
 
 With the SP and the BSP expected to continue providing outside 
              support, the UPA is now better placed than the BJP-led National 
              Democratic Alliance (NDA). Considering that this is the NDA's 
              second defeat in a parliamentary contest - the first was on the 
              nuclear deal in 2008 - the UPA's position is obviously more 
              secure. What is more, it does not seem to have been affected by 
              the allegations of scams which it has been facing for more than a 
              year.
 
 If the success in 2008 was a watershed in the realm of foreign 
              policy with India abandoning non-alignment and forming closer ties 
              with the US, the latest parliamentary victory is a thumbs-up for 
              reforms and an end of the Congress's earlier socialistic 
              preferences. Even if there are roadblocks ahead because of the 
              BJP's cussedness which may come in the way of the legislation on 
              insurance, pension funds and banking, the earlier dithering by the 
              Congress on reforms, mainly because of resistance from the 
              "socialists" in the party, can be said to have been largely 
              overcome.
 
 While the green signal for FDI in retail should have a positive 
              impact on the investment climate, giving a boost to the economy in 
              the run-up to 2014, another factor which will help the UPA is the 
              new policy of direct cash transfers to the needy. The scene for 
              the Congress is, therefore, brighter than what it was a few months 
              ago.
 
 
              
              (Amulya Ganguli is a political analyst. He can be reached at 
              amulyaganguli@gmail.com)
 
 
 
 
              
 
 
               
 
 
              
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