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Second of July 1857, a hot humid day
some one hundred and fifty-five summers ago, a contingent of about
250 men in their Bareilly regiment uniforms arrives in Dilli of
the time, the world renowned Red Fort to be precise. Mounted on
their horses, they march past the Laal Purdah [1][entrance to the
private chambers of the last Mughal King]. The General of the
regiment marches too albeit without the customary bowing down of
his head; much to the outrage of those present at the court. But
what happens next would seem rather more sacrilegious. That
unbending commander of the arriving regiment, a tall and corpulent
man of Rohilla stock appears least caring about the sensation he
creates and the protest that comes his way, he moves forward and
‘salaams’ the King as if he is an equal.[2] But the King, Zille
Sub-haani, Khaleefatur Rehmani, Khudawand e Majaazi, Hazrat Abul
Zafar Sirajuddin Bahadur Shah Zafar is helpless.
The man in the eye of this little storm was General Bakht Khan,
Commander of the Neemuch brigade, of the Army of East India
Company, among the true heroes of 1857, who had arrived to make a
fight against the Company which till now he had served.
He was described as “a much garlanded and battle hardened veteran
of Afghan wars, with huge handlebar moustache and sprouting
sideburns…. Known personally to several of the British officers”
[3] His reputation as an able administrator and a shrewd military
strategist had reached Delhi much before his arrival.
The poor Mughal King, after much reluctance, decides to award the
just landed General ,a royal sword and a buckle but Bakht Khan
still refuses to present the ‘nazar’ (a mandatory monetary gift to
be offered to the King) when meeting him. Soon after, this Khan
then begins to give a piece of his mind to the king, he begins,
“Your good for nothing princes [sons] enjoy full powers over your
military. Give all the power to me as no one else but I know the
norms of the English army, who knows them better than me?” This
was blunt and undiplomatic at its best, but the man in question,
meant business. He was duly appointed the Governor General of the
army, effectively displacing Mirza Mughal the headstrong son of
Zafar.
Reading literature about 1857 revolution became quite an obsession
with me since a teenager, our shared history of the sub-continent,
India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. A familiar heritage we possess, a
common thread running through our past. History is journalism with
hindsight and this special journalism about 1857 period transports
us to a novel world inducing in us a sense of déjà vu. It was
through these readings that I ‘discovered,/em>’ Bakht Khan. But it
was not love at first sight; I must tell you, what with his being
a man with a pot belly that did not make him a fine horseman! Add
to it the derision he was subjected to contemptuously for the
reason of his being a Wahabi. But more surprising were the
contradictions that I began noticing in various descriptions about
him. A few, mostly historians from the east, respected him as one
of the bravest soldiers and the real hero of 1857 Ghadar while the
rest seem to scorn him just for being a Wahabi. This term in
itself is quite controversial, even today, just as it was in those
days.
Wahabism is the name given to Islamic philosophy instituted by
Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahab Najdi[1703-1792] in 7th Century Arabia;
the intention was to practice Islam it in its purity just as
Prophet Muhommad (peace be upon him) did. William Dalrymple
elaborates General Bakht Khan‘s Wahabism thus, “Like a Wahabi ,”
he says, “Bakht Khan disdained earthly rulers, whom he regarded as
unIslamic, and longed instead for a properly Islamic regime.” [4]
He cites his Wahabist thoughts to be a cause of his failure.
Interestingly , Bakht Khan fought under a king who was the
embodiment of everything a true Wahabi abhors.
What is astonishing is that in almost every account about the man,
his being a Wahabi is essentially stressed, perhaps to draw
attention to his real or imagined fanaticism. Some of the earlier
prominent revolutionary figures like Syed Ahmed Shaheed and Shah
Ismaeel Shaheed were self-proclaimed Wahabis. Let’s see what Bakht
Khan‘s Wahabism was like.
His Wahabism was said to have been inspired by his spiritual
mentor, Moulvi Srafaraz Ali, a master teacher of Algebra and
Geometry and with a thorough knowledge of Tafseer[Quranic
interpretations] and Hadeeth [Prophet Muhammad‘s sayings]. Moulvi
Sarfaraz Ali was entitled as Imam of Mujahideen and his orations
exhorted people to join this revolution. It was he who had
motivated his initially reluctant disciple Bakht Khan to join this
momentous struggle. In the pre- revolution time, Moulvi Sarfaraz
Ali was regarded as one of the brightest jewels in Delhi’s
intellectual crown, by no less than Sir Sayyed Ahmad Khan himself.
So it was Moulvi Sarfaraz Ali who urged Bakht Khan to fight
against the infidel Christians for the honor of his country.
Interestingly this ‘accusation’ of his being a Wahabi also betrays
probable renaissance Islamic nature of the revolution of 1857.
Being a Wahabi, Bakht Khan was against the veneration of Sufi
shrines, which was/is quite a rampant practice among a large
section of the Indian Muslims. The Wahabis disapprove of it as
being nearer to idol worship and a tendency picked up from their
Hindu brothers. What is important to be noted and not to be
overlooked is; this Wahabism of Bakht Khan and his mentor Moulvi
Sarfaraz Ali was borrowed not from Abdul Wahab Najdi of Saudi Arab
but from Shah Waliullah Muhaddith Dehalvi [1703-1762], the father
of Islamic reform movement in India. This reform movement aimed at
eliminating all non-Islamic innovations and practices from the
religion and restoring a strict Islamic monotheism, among Indian
Muslims. Shah Waliullah, was the first one to translate Quran into
Persian and anticipated many modern, social, economic and
political thoughts, such as social reform, equal rights, labour
protection, and welfare entitlement of all.
P.C. Joshi in his work, Inquilab 1857 makes a significant
observation about this term, Wahabi. He says that, “The use of the
term Wahabi is not at all correct, because the political ambitions
and social views of allegedly Indian Wahabis , were not based on
Abdul Wahab of Najad but on the man who came before him. He was
Shah Waliullah [died:1762]. That’s the reason, some supporters of
Islamic renaissance like, Ubaidullah Sindhi [1861-1948], Ghulam
Sarvar and [Hakeem]Ajmal Khan have preferred to call themselves as
Waliullahi or the followers of Shah Waliullah. But I have
maintained this word due to its popular use and historical
importance.” [6] His Wahabism thus had Indian roots. Hence
despising the Rohella Subedar as a Wahabi is to belittle the
efforts he made for a unified fight against our former rulers. It
is unfair to the man in question who is among the real heroes of
the mutiny. Noted historian Irfan Habib too condemns the practice
of labeling and cornering him as a Wahabi and describes Bakht Khan
as, “the republican minded commander–in-chief in Delhi, who is
most unfairly portrayed as a Wahabi in some modern accounts.” [7].
Wahabi or not, what is important to notice, is that he struggled
for unity among the different religious sects and led the Fauj-e-Hindustani
and fought for a unified and free India. Barun De admires this
General of Bareilly for providing the quintessential unity that
was severely lacking among the ranks of the rebels. He terms Bakht
Khan a true leader and lauds his efforts at unifying different
forces of the time, as worth studying. [8]
My attempt here is to present a brief sketch of this Great General
as a figure who, till his last struggled for the dream of a Free
and Unified India where harmony among the different ethnic groups
was his top priority.
His Origins
Bakht Khan was of Rohilla [Afghan] stock. His grandfather Ghulam
Qadir Khan came to Lucknow to make a living. His father Abdullah
Khan, said to be a very handsome man, was married to an Awadh
Princess. Bakht Khan was formerly a Subedar in the 8th Foot
Artillery at Bareilly and had served the British for over forty
years and fought bravely in Afghan wars. He had progressed quite
rapidly and was appointed in a high-ranking position there.
Interesting to note, is his close friendship with many British
officers, under whom he had served and imbibed the art of war.
Colonel George Bourcheir was educated in Persian by him, and who
describes his tutor as, “very fond of English society …..[and] a
most intelligent character.”[9] But quite a few disagreed and
called him, a fat guy, socially ambitious and an incompetent
horseman, probably the worst insult for a soldier, in those times.
His commanding officer, Captain Waddy [BHA], describes him thus, “
He is sixty years of age and is said to have served the Company
for forty years; his height 5 feet 10 inches; 44 inches round the
chest ; a very bad rider owing to a large stomach and thick thighs
but clever and a good drill” [10] When the revolution began he was
already in his native town of Bareilly and his fame as a fine
administrator and a brave and especially able army commander had
spread in the country. He had arrived in Delhi with a huge
contingent of 7000 [according to another source, 14000] cavalry
and hundreds of infantry and a treasure from Bareilly.
Bakht Khan as an Administrator
It is indeed quite fascinating to know Bakht Khan’s efforts in
trying to enforce some kind of sense and sensibility, onto the
madness of loot, plunder and sheer chaos of the Delhi of 1857
uprising. He tried every trick in the book to restore law and
order amid that disturbing pandemonium. Munshi Jeevan Lal, [11]
the overweight Mir Munshi [Chief Assistant] of Resident of Delhi,
Sir Thomas Metcalfe [who was working as a British spy, describes
how General Bakht Khan went about restoring order amidst that
unprecedented anarchy spread after the arrival of the rebels, in
the capital. It’s a human thing to love admiration; but when it
comes from the enemy, it becomes doubly significant.
Munshi Jiwan Lal in the notes to his British Masters appreciates
measures taken by Bakht Khan. There were to be no taxes on salt
and sugar, looting [by the just arrived rebel soldiers]had to be
stopped else their plundering hands would be cut off, shopkeepers
were to be given full protection and even encouraged to use
weapons[if they had none, then would be duly provided from the
state armory], soldiers were to be removed from the Dilli bazaars
as it created difficulties for the general public and relocated in
camps outside Delhi gate, their salaries were to be restored and
promises of jagirs were made to them in return of their services
to the army. He further informs that the General’s men had also
killed three spies working for the British [M.Baqar Ali, father of
Muhammad Husain Azad, the famous Urdu writer, too, had complained
in his first report that, he is followed by the spies of Bakht
Khan wherever he goes,[12]
The Metcalfe’s Munshi tells his masters that General Bakht Khan
was soft spoken to his men but also remained firm that, they
should not cross their line of duty even in the smallest measure.
Impressive army parades were conducted by him from Delhi Gate to
Ajmeri Gate. Many important petitions from various kings, Nawabs,
Rajas, and officials of courts, were forwarded to the King and
replies were received through the office of Governor General Bakht
Khan; chief among them were, Qudratulla Khan, Risaldar of Awadh,
Khan Bahdur Khan, Rao Tula Ram. A ruqqah was also addressed to the
Patiala Rajah, conveying pardon of the King for his faults, many
other such instances of accessing the King through the General can
be found in different accounts of history. [13] Here he was
playing the role of a keen diplomat. His honest and sincere
attempts at running the administrative affairs efficiently at
court and his diplomacy with the men of importance are discernible
from these accounts. The steps he took to restore a sense of
sanity in those insane times are evidently commendable but somehow
go unnoticed by his critics.
Bakht Khan as a military strategist
The General was a shrewd military strategist. What he achieved at
the battle field of Delhi becomes more significant considering the
dire circumstances he worked in. He had little support from his
own army factions and was constantly attacked and maligned by some
hostile elements from within. His strategies on the battle field,
his trying to sabotage the passages that took supplies to their
camp, invention of rota system and his playing the mind games with
the enemy, all are indeed splendid. Richard Barter gives tribute
to this great man thus: “Thanks to the system organized by Bakht
Khan…..We were scarcely able to stand….” [14] He was speaking,
worn out at the battle ground along with his soldiers, thanks to
the new General’s machinations. Their frustration grew to the
extent that some of the British soldiers seeing no sign of relief
wanted to kill themselves on purpose, and some even did.
Be it propelling a contingent to Alipore or setting up a new rota
system intended to engage the British forces on a daily basis, and
which meant leaving them no respite from the combat, General Bakht
Khan always worked on new strategies to defeat his enemy. Soon
after his arrival, on the ninth of July he made a massive attempt
to destroy the British forces and one of his strategies was to
clothe his men in British white uniforms. This took the opponents
by surprise and a deep access was gained into their camp. Such
regular expeditions by Bakht Khan frustrated the enemy to the
extent that, they began losing all hope of capturing Delhi again.
He succeeded as he knew the British tactics inside out .His long
service to them had at last, paid off.
But unfortunately the fact that Bakht Khan’s attempts had been
gaining success went unreported, unrealized at Delhi court due to
the absence of a parallel intelligence system like their adversary
had. The British had knit an intricate network of spies throughout
the city and at the Red Fort. Reports about every single move of
the King, the parleys held at the court, the movements of the
rebel forces and their strategies planned for the future attacks,
reached the British ears without fail. Many prominent and
respected people were on their payroll. But sad to say, no such
system was in place, at the other end of the battle camp. W.
Dalrymple observes sharply, “The lack of intelligence reaching the
city meant that no one among the rebels realized how successful
Bakht Khan’s tactics were proving” [15] They didn’t know how
fragile the British forces had become and what a tremendous
pressure Bakht Khan‘s tactics had put on them. Unfortunately this
ignorance about his success was perceived to be his seeming
failure and this set his detractors buzzing. Mirza Mughal had
nursed a grudge since the General caused his removal from the
military affairs. Bakht Khan’s undiplomatic ways too didn’t help.
He was ruthless enough to ask the princes to keep away from
military and administrative affairs as he believed ‘everyone knew
that they were good for nothing fellows’. It was but an ugly
truth.
Bakht Khan informed the king that Prince Khizar and others were
stashing away the taxes collected from the city traders and due to
this salaries of the army could not be paid. Prince Khizar was
asked to return the booty. The commoners were pleased with him
while the Mughal princes vowed vengeance. Undoubtedly Bakht Khan
was a man of the world but he was not at all, worldly. He
frequently failed to decipher his detractor’s nasty plans and
eventually became a victim to their malice.
The Neemuch brigade-his force- was well-known for its valor; but
the two of its generals Ghaus Khan and General Sidhari Singh
[supporter of Mirza Mughal] parted ways, from Bakht Khan, as they
couldn’t digest the fact that, an officer of the similar rank as
theirs should get so much importance from the King. During the
battles he was left alone to fend for himself. A most ridiculous
charge of his being a British spy also came along. All this put
him under great pressure and he had to issue a statement denying
all these charges. Whether it was failure to capture the army
bastions at Alipur, Manali Bridges and the Ridge and almost all
the failures were wrongly attributed to the General. Zafar too now
was infected with doubt and the devious designs of his foes
resulted in Bakht Khan’s removal as Governor General by the end of
July. A Court of Administration was established to run the affairs
of the Mughal Darbar. The General and his Bareilly brigade kept
their distance from it but their assaults grew weaker and the
tremendous pressure that he was able to put on the British began
to diminish. Dalrymple remarks, “…the end of Bakht Khan’s military
system brought instant relief to the British on the ridge”. [16].
It is indeed saddening that such lowly games of selfishness and
rivalry did the good General in and ultimately caused the struggle
for freedom, a catastrophic damage, giving a boost to the enemy.
Richard Barter joyously announced that, “And so, when we were
scarcely able to stand, the attacks ceased, as if by a
dispensation of Providence, and gave our force the repose they so
much needed.”[17]. The one man who possessed the potential for
defeating the enemy was thus, rendered impotent.
As no intelligence about the success of the good General’s methods
reached the court and Delhites, it led to huge misgivings about
his military forays. Resentments, against this good soldier soon
began to build up. As mentioned earlier, he was accused of being a
British stooge himself. His own colleague from the Neemuch Brigade
Sidhari Singh accused him thus. Other former co-workers too were
not far behind. Gauri Shankar [who was himself a British spy] and
Talyar Khan, on 20th August, arranged for a Sikh to proclaim that
Bakht Khan provides all information about the court happenings to
the enemy. But the truth was found out and the witness was
rejected for his false claims. The General himself issued a public
statement denying this in the presence of Mirza Mughal and other
army generals.
The ever eternal quintessential factors of jealousy envy and
contempt did this great warrior in. Quite perceptibly his
disenchantment began to grow. He became more cautious but
continued to be at the forefront of the war and the biggest
headache for the British. He marched towards Najaf Garh separate
from the Neemuch brigade as his own soldiers refused to take
orders from him (and resultantly was smashed by their rivals).
Like before, the General was unjustly blamed for this fiasco, as
well. Nevertheless Bakht Khan still remained defiant. He was
unrelenting and rejected Zafar’s suggestion of opening the gates
of Delhi, if the British could not be defeated. He elaborated on
some new strategies and it was quickly reported by the spies
present at the court to the Gora Sahibs. Needless to add this
rendered his plans useless. His failures thus began mounting up.
Yet he succeeded in defeating the opponents at the Delhi Gate even
in those final hours, and kept a strong vigil at the Ajmeri Gate
till the last moments of the war.
Despite his failures, more due to the non co-operation of his team
than his own faults, what he did achieve was the delay in
recapturing of Delhi by the British, as long as he could. The
erstwhile Dilli would have been rounded up, quite early in the
day, had it not been for the efforts of General Bakht Khan Rohilla.
His military achievements despite the hostilities he faced were
amazing; be it capturing three hundreds of British horses taking
supplies to their masters, or one of his final determined attacks
with his Bareilly and Neemuch troops, which forced the British to
make a hasty retreat, from Hindu Rao’s house. Bakht Khan’s advance
up to the house of Hindu Rao was no mean achievement; it
threatened to cut off the British troops from their camp.[18] Had
he been supported efficiently by his own people at the time, his
success rate would have been much higher. Miyan Muhommad Shafi ,
in his famous work, Pehli Jang-e-Azadi-Waaqeyaat wa Haqaayeq,
blames this sorry state of affairs on the conspiracies hatched
against Bakht Khan by the unfortunate and unreasonable Mughal
Princes, who conspired against him, unaware of their approaching
terrible end. He says, “The courtiers created havoc each and every
time and put blame on him for everything going wrong, without
providing him with any kind of general support. All this and the
corruption at the court and among the army rank and noncompliance
of the troops, disheartened this most able of the fighters, Bakht
Khan and after being relieved from his various significant
positions , he got reduced to taking care of his own original
regiments alone. This turn of events and colossal difference of
opinions, among the different elements at the court, led
eventually to the downfall of Delhi, the arrest of Zafar and
slaughtering of his sons, not to mention hundreds and thousands of
Delhites being butchered and displaced, forever.”[19] But in the
mayhem of 1857 mutiny what was more tragic perhaps, was the ruin
of Shehar e Dilli and its uniquely rich Ganga –Jamuni Tehzeeb. It
died forever.
It was but for Bakht Khan‘s efforts that the rebel forces cold
hold on for a longer period. It is an irony that they all blamed
him; his enemies could be found easily on both sides of the
divide. When the scene grew bleaker and the British forces entered
the city gates, he continued persuading Zafar to join him in the
inevitable retreat as the area outside Delhi was still under the
rebel control and help could be at hand. The former Subedar in his
last ditch attempt, insisted to Zafar, that, the name and status
of Mughal King would surely bring victory to the Indians. Never
say die spirit of Bakht Khan is here for all of us to see. The
fragile eighty year old King Zafar, last descendant of the Timuri
lineage had even agreed initially. But schemers like Hakeem
Ahsanullah Khan, the court physician and Mirza Ilahi Bakhsh,
father in law of Zafar’s deceased heir Mirza Fakhru, superseded
the Khan one more time, eventually leading the last Timur to be a
hapless royal British prisoner.
At this juncture, Bakht Khan speculated on the reasons of their
defeat. He explicated that, their choosing of Delhi as their
bastion of the battle was erroneous from the day one. He also
faulted the princes and especially Mirza Mughal who’s imprudent
handling of the affairs at the battle field did greater damage to
the cause. This Prince was the one who possessed no experience of
any war and had taken up the cudgels only for bragging about his
bravery.[20]
Bakht Khan’s administrative skills added to his superb military
zeal had proved to be a deadly combination for the enemy. Alas,
his spirit was broken by his own men and he had to retreat and
disappeared. There are different theories about his departure. It
is said he went to Awadh and fought against the British, one more
time. A few others opine that he was killed in a battle and a few
more say he escaped to Nepal, never to be seen again. This last
version seems more authentic.
The Hindu-Muslim equation of the time and Bakht Khan’s role in it:
In his legendary fight at Delhi of 1857, Bakht Khan’s zealous
efforts at maintaining Hindu-Muslim unity are outstanding. More so
as he is accused of being a Wahabi; this becomes doubly
significant.
A general peace had always prevailed among the Hindus and Muslims
of Delhi. Turmoil seemed to brew when Hindu sepoys killed five
butchers for slaughtering some cows. The fear of inter-communal
clashes strengthened the already existing general disillusionment
among the Delhi masses [especially among the Ashraaf or high class
people] about the rebellion and the uncouth rebels, popularly
called, Purabiya or Tilanga. The British were sitting with their
fingers crossed, hoping for a bloody game to begin on the day of
approaching Baqrid. They expected violence, as Muslims would
slaughter the cow which would anger Hindus as it is deemed holy in
their religion. But to the disappointment of the British, Bahadur
Shah Zafar himself assured a group of Hindu generals about his
intention of banning the practice of sacrificing a cow, with
immediate effect. Bakht Khan through his order of 30th July saw to
it that this order was strictly implemented. He thundered that
whoever was found guilty of slaughtering cow, ox, or buffalo,
would be considered an enemy of the state and of the king
respectively, and would be punished with death![21]
He didn’t stop at that. He sent out a written proclamation to
Delhi’s Kotwal on 31st July and 2nd of August 1857 to the effect
that, every morning and evening, it should be announced to the
people that this order against cow slaughter should be strictly
followed, and anyone found guilty would be severely punished. He
also saw to it that an alleged fanatic Moulvi Muhammad Sayyed
found enticing people for jihad was reined in. The restraining of
the fanatic elements and banning cow slaughter were big steps
towards restoring communal peace and harmony, at the time and
proved a great boost to restoring trust. Hindu Muslim enmity had
to be avoided at any cost, so as not to allow the enemy to make a
profit out of it. Bakht Khan made it the central point of his
fight and this is admirable.
However the Good General is also blamed for drawing together Delhi
ulemas [supposedly against the wishes of King Zafar ]and making
them sign a fatwa to urge the Muslims to fight against the
British, taking it to be their religious duty. But it must be
noted that, it was a call for a mutual struggle, for the honor of
the motherland. Barun De makes a valid point, when he articulates,
“All listened to the call of dharma or deen. In this sense,
Christianity was the symbol of intrusive colonialism, seen as a
bourgeois crusade for market globalization, much as it is being
seen by neoconservatives today [22) This was something quite
remarkable about the 1857 revolution. We can call it a golden
period of proverbial Hindu-Muslim harmony.
1857, Ghadar
Here in lies an amazing story of the people, fighting an enemy
hundred times stronger than them. These people were the poor, the
workers, the weavers, the peasants; all joined hands together to
resist the injustice they were subjected to, since last hundred
years or so. More admirable is the fact that, despite huge caste
disparities, clan conflicts, geo-ethnic varieties and most of all
those bona fide religious differences, Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs
became united for the cause of India/Hindostan. Esteemed historian
Irfan Habib finds this assimilation exceptional. The astonishing
fact, he says is that, “…on many occasions largely Hindu
contingents elected Muslim officers and, similarly, contingents
with a largely Muslim composition chose Hindus as their officers.
The fact that this was not anywhere done consciously makes it a
particularly notable example of inter-religious solidarity among
the Bengal Army sepoys.” [23]
This message of unity in diversity is indeed the most outstanding
lesson; we get to learn from 1857 uprising. The little armies from
all over India grouping in Delhi to fight under the leadership of
a Muslim King, is a grand testimonial in itself. This Muslim King
had been a titular figurehead of the erstwhile India, for quite
some time, but still thought to be a figure of authority. It was a
matter of belief, of faith, for the Indians. They still believed
or wished to believe in Bhadur Shah Zafar being
Baadshah-e-Hindostan.
At the risk of digression, allow me to drift and explore this
phenomenon a bit more. It was a fact that all army contingents,
from all over the erstwhile British Raj territories, moved towards
Delhi and gathered at the Lal Qilaa to win blessings from a Muslim
king. Today this may seem beyond belief but back then, in 1857; it
came most naturally to the Indians of the time. William Dalrymple
astutely remarks that, “The rip in the closely woven fabric of
Delhi’s composite culture, opened in 1857, slowly widened into a
great gash, and at Partition in 1947 finally broke into two. As
the Indian Muslim elite emigrated en masse to Pakistan, the time
would soon come when it would be almost impossible to imagine that
Hindu sepoys could ever have rallied to the Red Fort and the
standard of a Muslim emperor, joining with their Muslim brothers
in an attempt to revive the Mughal Empire.” [24]
It was due to the unmistakable aura that surrounded the Mughal
Empire. Bahadur Shah Zafar possessed that unique trait of being a
Benevolent Baadshaah who alone had the power of rendering a sense
of strong unity among the varied regions and natives of India.
Now coming back to our General, he proved to be a perfect foil to
Bahadur Shah Zafar. H.L.O.Garret, keeper of the records of the
government of Punjab, in his 1933 account of the rebellion
enlightens us that Bahadur Shah Zafar was only a nominal ruler of
a dying Delhi; he duly informs, “The actual military operations
were directed by Bakht Khan, on whom a royal decree conferred the
title of Commander-in –Chief.” [25] C.T. Metcalfe notes that
despite Bakht Khan’s removal from his post at the Delhi Durbar,
King Zafar trusted him all along and used to urge him to put up a
brave fight as before.[26] Bakht Khan’s endeavors in executing the
commands of his king at putting up a unified front against the
colonizers, is something fascinating. But strangely enough we do
not find many mentions to him in our history books.
The year 1857 strikes a resonance in our hearts even after one
hundred and fifty five years. We identify with this first war of
independence. The Mughal authority had eroded long before this
date; but many critics say, what died in 1857 was hope; hope for
freedom, for unity. After 1857, India could never be the same
again. The unique aura of Mughal Mystique died too in September of
1857. This aura symbolized a most beautiful land, varied and
various in so many ways yet presenting an amalgamation so unique
so endearingly rich that the world still fails to offer another
such prototype. Bahadur Shah Zafar was an unwilling and hesitant
hero standing at complete disparity with the General. The General
believed in action. It is this action that makes General Bakht
Khan Rohilla a True Hero and those among us who wish to dismiss
him as just a sundry character, for them let me quote T.S.Eliot
here:
They know and do not know, what it is to act or suffer,
They know and do not know, that action is suffering,
And suffering is action.
It is action, our striving for it and the resultant suffering that
teaches us the ways of surviving/winning life. It is our action,
our Karma that makes our destiny.
In this regard Bakht Khan became a winner of the war, despite
losing the battle.
Asma Anjum Khan is
Asst Professor at a college in Maharashtra.
Bibliography
1-Lal Purdah- the Red colored curtain at the doorway to the Mughal
king’s private chambers.
2-Memoirs of Hakeem Ahsanullah Khan-p.8
From:The Last Mughal- William Dalrymple, 284
3-Bourchier, Eight Months,44n],from: The Last Mughal, William
Dalrymple,285
4-Ibid-286
5-ibid-285
6-Inquilab 1857, P.C.Joshi, Urdu Translation, pub: Taraqqi Urdu
Taraqqi Urdu Bureau ,secondedition1983,105[References]
7-Irfan Habib, History from Below- Frontline, issue dated, June
29,2007,pg.16
8-Baun De ,Frontline issue dated ,June 29,2007,Pg 9 (Scholars
Iqbal Husain and Rajat Kanta Roy too endorse his views.)
9-Bourchier-Eight Months,44,[quoted in Last Mughal,285]
10- H.L.O. Garret, The Trial of Bahdur Shah Zafar,King by
Committee,8[ quoted in Gimlette’s post script to the Indian
Mutiny]
11--Metcalfe,Two Native Narratives, Narrative of Munshi Jeevan Lal
12-William.Dalrymple,The Last Mughal,302
13-H.L.O.Garret, The Trial of Bhadur Shah Zafar, The Physician’s
Testimony ,[Hakeem Ahsanullah Khan was the royal physician]
14-Barter Richard, The Siege of Delhi,36, The Last Mughal.
15-William Dalrymple-The Last Mughal,292
16-Ibid,294
17- Barter Richard, The Siege of Delhi ,[from:William.Dalrymple,
The Last Mughal, 294]
18-William Dalrymple, The Last Mughal,357
19-Miyan Muhommad Shafi,Pehli Jang e Azadi –Waqyaat wa
Haqaayeq,Urdu,288-89, edition,2007
20- Ameer Ahmad Alavi,Bahadur Shah Zafar,[Urdu]Lucknow,
1955,138-9,[ through [P.C.Joshi, Inquilab 1857-112-114,Urdu ,
ed.1983,Taraqqi Urdu Bureau ]
21-Press List of Mutiny Papers, no.120/143, 7 Zilhaj,21-RY,29 July
1857
and
Press List of Mutiny Papers, no.111,[c] 332,8 Zilhajj 21 –RY,30
July,Spear,pg.207 [from Iqbal Husain]
22-Barun De, The Call of 1857,Frontline ,issue dated, June
29,2007,pg.8-9
23-Irfan Habib, History from below ,Frontline issue dated June
29,2007,pg.14
24-William Dalrymple, The Last Mughal, 484
25-H.L.O.Garret, the Trial of Bahadur Shah Zafar, King by
Committee, 7
26-C.T.Metcalfe, Two Native Narratives of the Mutiny in
Delhi,[1974] 213
The following books helped too in making of this essay:
1-1857 ke chashm e deed Halaat[Almaroof Daastaan e Ghadar]-Syed
Zaheeruddin Dehalvi.ed:2006
2-The Other Side of Medal by Edward Thompson, translated by Shaikh
Hassamuddin, first edition,1982,Urdu Academy New Delhi Publication
3-Bakht Khan [Marathi]–by Iqbal Husain,2008, National Book Trust
,edition 2010]
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