Telangana: In a “State” of communal conflicts
Thursday January 03, 2013 10:46:17 PM,
Mazher Hussain
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Recurrence of communal riots in
Hyderabad has become part of electoral package with conflicts
engineered during the year preceding elections to polarize
communities and reap electoral benefits. Most conflicts occur in
areas with a history of communal discord but facilitate communal
polarization to varying degrees in other places in the vicinity.
It is generally rare for communal violence to break out in areas
without previous history of communal tensions.
Some places in Andhra Pradesh other than Hyderabad also witness
occasional conflicts but most of these are located in the
Telangana region, a few in Rayalaseema and negligible in Coastal
Andhra. The extent of social, cultural and linguistic integration
between Hindus and Muslims in Andhra region is the prime reason
for the absence of any serious discord. On the other hand, in
Telangana, there is marked disparity between Hindus and Muslims
linguistically, culturally and socially and little interaction
between them, especially in conflict prone areas. Stories of
atrocities committed by the Razakars during the rule of the last
Nizam (that covered only the Telangana region) still come in handy
for Hindutva outfits to communalise people in the region. Muslims
in Telangana too have memories of atrocities committed on them in
the wake of Police Action in 1948 and a sense of their general
disempowerment thereafter.
Contrary to the expected pattern, communal conflicts in Andhra
Pradesh have started from as early as 2010 and not a year before
the 2014 elections. Though these are mostly in Telangana region,
one is amazed to find communal violence also taking place in
cities and towns without any history of communal tensions.
Examples are Sangareddy, Karimnagar, Kamareddy and others. The
design appears clear: a long term plan to polarize Hindu and
Muslim communities in as extended an area of Telangana as possible
for maximum electoral benefits during the 2014 General elections.
A similar situation was witnessed from late 1960s to mid-90s in
Hyderabad where communal conflicts and riots had become regular
phenomena. The general talk and allegations have been that Majlis
Intehadul Muslimeen (MIM) was responsible for most of these
conflicts and BJP (and its earlier avatar, Jana Sangh) accounting
for the rest, purely for electoral benefits. The fact is MIM
certainly made phenomenal electoral gains during this period and
continues to benefit till date from no representation till early
1960s to as much as 45 Corporators and their Mayor, seven
representatives in the State Assembly and one Member of Parliament
at present. Similarly, BJP also gained by bagging the MP seat from
Secunderabad thrice and winning some MLA and Corporator positions
in the city.
BJP: New Political Hopes, New Social Costs
Now BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) in association with a plethora of
Hindutva outfits seems to be embarking on the strategy of communal
polarization for electoral gains covering the entire Telangana
regions while MIM had restricted itself only to the old city areas
of Hyderabad. This is the reason why riots are being witnessed
even in cities and towns without any history of communal
conflicts. A variety of instigations are being attempted
consistently like damages to Ganesh statues, targeted attacks on
youth of a particular community leading to one death; assaults on
businessmen transporting cattle that led to killing of four during
2012; throwing animal flesh in both Mandirs and Masjids
(non-discriminatory!) to instigate riots, conflicts over religious
flags and buntings etc. The latest and potentially the most
dangerous is the controversy over the Bhagyalaxmi temple that is
constructed abutting Charminar, a historical monument. According
to police investigations, members of Hindutva outfits were found
to be responsible for most of these instigations.
BJP was always a bit player in Andhra Pradesh and presently has
only 3 MLAs in the State Assembly. But by providing unequivocal
support to the strong sentiment for a separate Telangana (in a
situation when Congress is ambiguous about the issue) and creation
of communal conflicts in as many places as possible, BJP seems to
be trying to achieve electoral gains in the region on the basis of
garnering support from votaries for a separate Telangana along
with polarization of Hindus and Muslims just like it gained in
Karnataka on the basis of strong support from the Lingayats
supplemented by communal polarization through sustained attacks on
churches and Muslims in different parts of Karnataka. In such a
situation, riots in many different places in Telangana are to be
expected in the run-up to the 2014 elections and perhaps even
beyond.
Majlis: The Catch 22 Situation
Though Majlis gained from polarization of Muslim vote, it soon
realized that it cannot go beyond winning 4 to 5 Assembly seats
only on the basis of Muslims and started actively reaching out to
garner votes of dalits and Lambadas (a tribal community). By
making a Dalit the Mayor of Hyderabad in mid-80s and by giving
tickets to Dalits and tribals to contest Corporation elections,
Majlis was successful in mobilizing some dalit and tribal vote and
was able to gain 2 to 3 additional seats in the state assembly and
4 more Corporator positions in Greater Hyderabad Municipal
Corporation (GHMC).
Most of the so-called Hindu – Muslim riots are actually riots
between Muslims and dalits or backward classes. With the increased
dependence of Majlis on the Dalit and tribal votes to improve its
tally in the assembly and GHMC, any riot now becomes
counterproductive for Majlis. No wonder Majlis has been showing
remarkable restraint even under most extreme provocations from BJP
and its allies during the last 3 years. However, with continued
provocations of increasing viciousness by the Hindutva forces, if
Majlis keeps silent for long, then it could earn the wrath of the
Muslim community and lose its hold and the vote. In such an
unenviable catch 22 situation two different trends seem to be
emerging within Majlis.
The first one is of taking on the Hindutva forces. The provocative
speech by Akbaruddin Owaisi of MIM at Nirmal on 20 December 2012
is a manifestation of this confrontationist trend that seems to be
emerging and could lead to tensions and further the interest of
the BJP. The other is the prevailing approach of ignoring the
provocations and alliance with other communities for greater
electoral gains. But given the fact that communal conflicts are an
electoral forte for the BJP, provocations from the Hindutva forces
could continue and spread eventually forcing Majlis to give up on
the prospects of increased electoral gains and act to retain its
core Muslim vote. In such a situation, it would be prudent to be
prepared for a bumper harvest of conflicts- irrespective of
whether Telangana is formed or not and also beyond 2014 elections.
Onus on People
Given the uncertain political scenario in the state due to a
variety of factors, the government seems to lack the required will
to effectively check trouble mongers, as is evident from the spate
of incidents occurring regularly for the past three years. In such
a situation, it appears that people will have to come forward to
prevent violence or face consequences.
Even though political interests instigate conflicts, but riots do
not happen and cannot continue till common people get carried away
and engage in targeted violence against members of other
community. Hyderabad also suffered for years from bouts of such
mass hysteria but after so many riots, killings and loss of
property, members of the public from both communities in Hyderabad
have begun to understand the role of political parties and are no
longer becoming easy prey. Consequently communal riots in
Hyderabad have come down substantially.
How frequent and deadly will the conflicts be in Telangana region
and for how many years will depend on how soon the people of the
region realize the role of political interests in keeping the
conflicts alive by using common people themselves as their cannon
fodder. It took the people of Hyderabad over 30 years to gain this
realization.
Mazher Hussain is Executive Director of COVA,
a national network working on issues of communal harmony in India
and peace in South Asia.
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